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By David Lieberman

David Lieberman is a specialist in the field of human behaviour and interpersonal relationships. He is a renowned psychotherapist and author of eleven books. He has trained personnel in the U.S. military, the FBI, the CIA, and the NSA, and his instructional video is mandatory for psychological operations graduates. He teaches government negotiators, mental health professionals, and Fortune 100 executives.

Below, David shares 5 key insights from his new book, Mindreader: The New Science of Deciphering What People Really Think, What They Really Want, and Who They Really Are. Listen to the audio version—read by David himself—in the Next Big Idea App.

Mindreader: The New Science of Deciphering What People Really Think, What They Really Want, and Who They Really Are By David Lieberman

1. What they really think.

Paying close attention to both what people say and how they say it—language pattern and sentence structure—reveals what’s actually going on inside their heads. There are seven or eight different markers to consider.

One such marker is pronoun usage. From a psycholinguistic standpoint, pronouns can reveal whether someone is trying to separate themself from their words. In much the same way that an unsophisticated liar might look away because they are feeling guilt and eye contact increases intimacy, a person making an untrue statement often subconsciously distances from their own words. The personal pronouns (e.g., I, me, mine, and my) indicate that a person is committed to and confident about their statement. Omitting personal pronouns may signal someone’s reluctance to accept ownership of their words.

Let’s take the example of giving a compliment. A woman who believes what she’s saying is more likely to use a personal pronoun. For instance, “I really liked your presentation.” However, a person offering insincere flattery might say, “Nice presentation,” or “Looks like you did a lot of research.” In the second case, she has removed herself from the equation. Those in law enforcement are well acquainted with this principle and recognize when people are filing a false report about their car being stolen because they typically refer to it as “the car” or “that car” and not “my car” or “our car.” Of course, you can’t gauge honesty by a single sentence, and pronoun usage is only one of a dozen of different markers available to us.

2. Interpersonal insights.

Those in law enforcement know that victims of violent crimes, such as abduction or assault, rarely use the word we. Instead, they’ll relate the events in a way that separates them from the aggressor, referring to the attacker as “he” or “she” and themselves as “I.” Rather than saying, “We got into the car,” they are inclined to phrase it as, “He put me in the car.” Recounting a story that is peppered with we, us, and our may indicate psychological closeness and implies an association, a relationship, and perhaps even cooperation.

We can observe benign applications of this in everyday life. At the end of a date, Jack and Jill walk out of a restaurant, and Jill inquires, “Where did we park the car?” An innocent question, but using we, instead of you, indicates that she has begun to identify with Jack and sees them as a couple. Asking “Where is your car parked?” hardly implies disinterest, but turning your into our does expose a subtext of interest.

“The pronoun we is typically reserved for positive associations.”

Whenever I speak to couples, I’m always on the lookout when the word we is conspicuously absent from conversation. Research finds that married couples who use cooperative language (e.g., we, our, and us), more often than individualized language (e.g., I, me, and you) have lower divorce rates and report greater marital satisfaction. Studies also demonstrate a powerful correlation between such pronoun use and how couples respond to disagreements and crises, predicting whether they will team up and cooperate or become polarized and divided. The use of you-words (e.g., you, your, and yourself) may suggest unexpressed frustration or outright aggression. A person who says, “You need to figure this out,” conveys enmity and a me-versus-you mindset. However, “We need to figure this out,” indicates us-versus-the-problem, a presumption of shared responsibility and cooperation.

Again, a single, casual reference does not mean anything (and any of these statements might signal anger or frustration in the moment, not about the marriage itself), but a consistent pattern of syntax reveals everything.

The implications of syntax extend to the corporate arena. Research finds that firms where workers typically refer to their workplace as “the company” or “that company,” rather than “my company” or “our company,” and to co-workers mostly as “they” rather than “my co-workers,” are likely to have low morale and a high rate of turnover. Similarly, in sports a fair-weather fan can be spotted through language: When the fan’s team wins, they characteristically declare, “We won.” But when the team loses, it becomes, “They lost.” The pronoun we is typically reserved for positive associations.

3. The art of reading the bluff.

Sun Tzu, in The Art of War, neatly distils the bluff: “If able, appear unable; if active, appear inactive; if near, appear far; if far, appear near.”

When a person is bluffing, they are managing others’ impressions to convey the “right” effect and serve a personal agenda. Conversely, the authentic person is not interested in how they come across because they are unconcerned with their image. A deceptive counterpart focuses solely on others’ impressions and puts a great deal of effort into presenting a certain image. The latter person almost always goes too far.

A bluff occurs when someone is really against something but pretends to be for it—or vice versa. The person is trying to create a false impression to disguise their true intentions. Therein lies the key: People who bluff habitually overcompensate, so you can uncover a bluff instantly by noticing how someone tries to appear. Let’s take an example from the world of poker.

A card player bets heavily and raises the pot. Does he have the cards or simply guts? When a person is bluffing in a poker hand, he wants to show he is not timid. He might put his money in quickly. But if he does have a good hand, he may deliberate a bit, showing that he is not really sure about his hand. Poker professionals know that a bluffing person will give the impression of having a strong hand, while a person with a strong hand will imply that their hand is weak.

“People who bluff habitually overcompensate, so you can uncover a bluff instantly by noticing how someone tries to appear.”

When people feign confidence they manipulate how self-assured they appear because we equate confidence with calm. For instance, law enforcement professionals know that a suspect may yawn as if to show he is relaxed or even bored. If the person is sitting, they may slouch or stretch, covering more territory as if to demonstrate a feeling of ease. Or the suspect may busily pick lint off his slacks, trying to show he is preoccupied with something trivial and is clearly not worried about the charges. The only problem (for the guilty person) is that a wrongly accused person will be indignant and won’t try promoting the right image. Remember, people who bluff habitually overcompensate.

4. The personal narrative.

Imagine that a man woke up one morning insisting he was a zombie. His wife tried shaking him into reality, to no avail. She reached out to his mother, who also tried to snap him out of this delusion. Not knowing what else to do, they finally took him to a psychiatrist but the guy insisted to the doctor, as he had to both his wife and mother, that he does not have a problem. The psychiatrist said, “But I hear that you think that you’re a zombie.” The man said, “Doc I know I’m a zombie.” The psychiatrist asked if zombies bleed and the man said they don’t. So, the psychiatrist pricked the man’s finger and it bled. The man stared in amazement at his finger, blood trickling down, and looked up to say, “Well what do you know, zombies do bleed.”

The moral of the story is that people see themselves, others, and their world the way that they need to, in order to reconcile with their personal narrative—to make sense of themselves, their choices, and their lives.

The greater our ego, the more vulnerable we feel, and the greater our drive to predict and control our world. We then interpret the world to fit our narrative, rather than adjusting our worldview to fit reality. Essentially, we colour the world so that we are untainted.

Take notice of how people see themselves and their world—what attracts their attention and what they avoid; what they condemn and what they defend—to know their story of “I.” Or put differently, the what (they focus on and see) tells you the why (they focus on it), and the why tells you the who (they really are).

Building a psychological assessment begins with asking, Why do they need to see that which they are looking for in the first place?

5. Mirror, mirror on the wall.

Ralph Waldo Emerson wrote: “People do not seem to realize that their opinion of the world is also a confession of character.” This is a piercing insight into human nature. A person looks at the world as a reflection of themselves. If they see the world as corrupt, they feel on some level that they are corrupt. If they see honest working people, that is frequently how they see themselves. That’s why con artists are the first to accuse others of cheating.

“How someone treats you is a reflection of their own emotional health and says everything about them and nothing about you.”

The old saying, “What Susie says about Sally says more of Susie than of Sally,” has a strong psychological basis. Research finds that when you ask someone to rate the personality of another person—a close colleague, an acquaintance, or a friend—their response provides direct insight into their personality traits and emotional health. Indeed, findings show “a huge suite of negative personality traits are associated with viewing others negatively.” Specifically, the level of negativity the rater uses in describing the other person and “the simple tendency to see people negatively indicates a greater likelihood of depression and various personality disorders,” including narcissism and antisocial behaviour. Similarly, seeing others in a positive light correlates with how happy, kind-hearted, and emotionally stable a person is.

The less emotionally healthy a person is, the more they denigrate the world to accommodate their own insecurities. Hence, how someone treats you is a reflection of their own emotional health and says everything about them and nothing about you. We give love. We give respect. If someone doesn’t love themselves, what do you expect them to give back? The emotionally healthy person is true to themselves, non-judgmental, and accepting of others.

Knowledge is not power. Knowledge is a tool. How it is wielded makes all of the difference. Real power is the responsible application of knowledge. Knowing what people really think and feel saves time, money, energy, and heartache. But it also positions you to better understand, help, and heal those who are in pain. The techniques in my book are to be used responsibly, to enlighten, empower, and inspire. They are designed to educate so that you can become more effective in your life and interactions and more optimistic about your abilities and possibilities.

To listen to the audio version read by author David Lieberman, download the Next Big Idea App today:  

Listen to key insights in the next big idea app

 

By David Lieberman

Sourced from nextbigideaclub.com

By

Fostering hype takes time and money. And not everyone working on the good stuff has the time and money to buy hype

Hype tends to be denounced as the fuel of the substandard, the fraudulent and the disappointing. It’s what we blame when companies, technologies or ideas dominate the public consciousness, only to let us down; the invisible force that tricks us into believing the con; the eye-roll-inducing words that tell us to over-invest our time, money and faith into unique “solutions” that within a few months will turn out to be useless.

In short, hype is seen as the domain of hucksters and snake oil salesmen peddling the ordinary as exceptional. And hype has another, pernicious role – that of current-day distraction. In science and technology, it often amounts to a distraction of the public gaze, away from underrated innovation, and towards that which more easily captures attention. Away from the good stuff, towards the shiny stuff.

The Cambridge English Dictionary defines “hype” as a deception of sorts, a trick deployed “to make something seem more exciting or important than it is”; the Oxford Dictionary of English is more forgiving in its description: “extravagant or intensive publicity or promotion”. Hype has different definitions and connotations, then, depending on whom you ask or what dictionary you consult. And per se, hype is neither good nor evil: it’s a tool. It can be the catalyst for genuine innovation to get funding, attention, and regulatory consideration, and it can do the same for something not so legitimate.

The problem is: fostering hype takes time and money. And not everyone who is working on the good stuff – innovation that is impactful, useful, entertaining, or just original – has the time and money to buy hype. Hype, therefore, isn’t necessarily a fair measure of science and technology worth paying attention to.

Take fusion energy: a technology that has the potential to change energy production worldwide, and reduce society’s reliance on fossil fuels. A technology that has brought together 35 nations to work on a $25 billion science experiment in southern France. A technology which requires solving a problem so easy to explain: recreating the Sun’s power on Earth. Yet, despite growing awareness of the climate crisis, and the “tech will save us” narratives, fusion energy is often confused with current nuclear power stations (nuclear fission), is branded pseudoscience (due to the conflation with cold fusion) and is something most people will happily admit to knowing nothing about. There’s just no social pressure surrounding it as a trendy idea – unlike AI, blockchain, or Elon Musk’s scheme du jour.

It might seem unimportant to have more people talking about fusion energy when there is still much to be done to bring it to market. But as the world scrambles for new green policies and environmentally-friendly corporate practice, one would think fusion energy might at least be hailed as a promising technology. Right now, instead, any mention of it is met with blank faces. The same cannot be said for the hype surrounding electric cars, or solar panels, or household recycling schemes.

Andrés Lozano

Hype is not simply a distraction. It can have another, subtler, more devastating effect: it dilutes awe. Exhibit A for this problem can be found in the field of astrobiology. That might sound surprising, as astrobiology is the discipline studying, in NASA’s words, the “origins, evolution, distribution and future of life in the universe”. Pretty wow, right? Yet one single word has proven able to make anything coming out of the field seem far-away or far-fetched. That word is “aliens”.

Public coverage of life-finding missions to Mars focus on the searching for alien life over more consequential questions such as whether previous missions to the planet have corrupted future experiments by inadvertently transporting biological material from Earth, or what kind of terrestrial life could travel on the outside of a spaceship all the way to Mars, or what constitutes “life” in the first place.

Most of the stories surrounding SETI (Search For Extraterrestrial Intelligence) and METI (Messaging Extraterrestrial Intelligence) focus on the quirky individuals who have these “crazy ideas” about listening for and speaking to aliens to see if we’re not alone. They don’t let the public in on the fascinating process of trying to work out exactly what counts as an intelligent alien message in the radio signals received, or let the public ponder what kind of messages we should be sending out to other lifeforms, or give them permission to delve into the question that is actually at the root of what these scientists are working on every day: who are we?

Acting this way has a cost. It’s not just about allowing people to feel awe: it’s about empowering those who are not professional scientists or technologists to be able to participate, instead of being spoon-fed a whizz-bang watered-down version of science as cheap entertainment. Hype doesn’t just obscure the reality of what’s going on in science and technology – it makes it less interesting. It’s time we start to look past it and delight in what lies beyond.

Feature Image Credit: Andrés Lozano

By

Gemma Milne is a science and technology journalist, and the author of Smoke & Mirrors: How Hype Obscures the Future and How to See Past It

Sourced from WIRED

Researchers need to be aware of the mistakes that can be made when for mining social-media data.

By MediaStreet Staff Writers

A growing number of academic researchers are mining social media data to learn about both online and offline human behaviour. In recent years, studies have claimed the ability to predict everything from summer blockbusters to fluctuations in the stock market.

But mounting evidence of flaws in many of these studies points to a need for researchers to be wary of serious pitfalls that arise when working with huge social media data sets. That is, according to computer scientists at McGill University in Montreal and Carnegie Mellon University in Pittsburgh.

Such erroneous results can have huge implications: thousands of research papers each year are now based on data gleaned from social media. “Many of these papers are used to inform and justify decisions and investments among the public and in industry and government,” says Derek Ruths, an assistant professor in McGill’s School of Computer Science.

Ruths and Jürgen Pfeffer of Carnegie Mellon’s Institute for Software Research highlight several issues involved in using social media data sets – along with strategies to address them. Among the challenges:

  • Different social media platforms attract different users – Pinterest, for example, is dominated by females aged 25-34 – yet researchers rarely correct for the distorted picture these populations can produce.
  • Publicly-available data feeds used in social media research don’t always provide an accurate representation of the platform’s overall data – and researchers are generally in the dark about when and how social media providers filter their data streams.
  • The design of social media platforms can dictate how users behave and, therefore, what behaviour can be measured. For instance, on Facebook the absence of a “dislike” button makes negative responses to content harder to detect than positive “likes.”
  • Large numbers of spammers and bots, which masquerade as normal users on social media, get mistakenly incorporated into many measurements and predictions of human behaviour.
  • Researchers often report results for groups of easy-to-classify users, topics, and events, making new methods seem more accurate than they actually are. For instance, efforts to infer political orientation of Twitter users achieve barely 65% accuracy for typical users – even though studies (focusing on politically active users) have claimed 90% accuracy.

Many of these problems have well-known solutions from other fields such as epidemiology, statistics, and machine learning, Ruths and Pfeffer write. “The common thread in all these issues is the need for researchers to be more acutely aware of what they’re actually analysing when working with social media data,” Ruths says.

Social scientists have honed their techniques and standards to deal with this sort of challenge before.

The infamous ‘Dewey Defeats Truman’ headline of 1948 stemmed from telephone surveys that under-sampled Truman supporters in the general population. Rather than permanently discrediting the practice of polling, that glaring error led to today’s more sophisticated techniques, higher standards, and more accurate polls. Says Ruths, “Now, we’re poised at a similar technological inflection point. By tackling the issues we face, we’ll be able to realise the tremendous potential for good promised by social media-based research.”

 

 

Love him or hate him, he seems to have a personality perfectly suited to the White House.

By MediaStreet Staff Writers

Researchers have analysed the tweets of Donald J. Trump. They compared his personality traits with other influential business leaders.

The Twitter messages of Donald J. Trump, the entrepreneurial businessman turned US president, show that he is creative, competitive and a rule-breaker. But no one is perfect (especially not Trump!). He also has neurotic tendencies. (But who doesn’t?)

Since joining the social media platform Twitter in 2009 to May 2017, Trump has issued more than 35,000 messages. This amounts to about twelve tweets a day. With 30 million followers, he is the second-most followed politician on Twitter after his predecessor, Barack Obama, who on average tweeted about four times a day.

The researchers, Martin Obschonka from QUT in Australia, and Christian Fisch from Trier University in Germany analysed how aspects of Trump’s personality are revealed in the language he used in 3200 tweets issued by October 2016 (before he became president). They used established software for assessment of language and text for psychological purposes.

Trump’s language use and online personality were also compared with that of 105 other influential and famous business managers (including Google’s Eric Schmidt, HP’s Meg Whitman, and Apple’s Tim Cook) and entrepreneurs (including Tesla’s Elon Musk, Dell’s Michael Dell, and Amazon’s Jeff Bezos) who are not on the political stage.

Their results indicate that Trump is indeed a distinct type of person who shows strong features of a so-called Schumpeterian personality that is said to be typical of successful entrepreneurs. This personality was described by Joseph Schumpeter in the 1930s as being very creative, change-orientated, competitive and rule-breaking. The analysis further indicates that Trump has neurotic tendencies, and experiences underlying low well-being.

“These traits are rather untypical for entrepreneurs,” explains Obschonka. But he adds that neuroticism isn’t necessarily all bad, for it can also stimulate competitiveness.

“Maybe this high neuroticism is a major motivator to succeed in Trump’s entrepreneurial projects in his business life, but also in his role as political leader,” speculates Fisch.

“If social distinction is a core principle of the entrepreneurial personality, then we clearly see this principle reflected in his unusual personality profile,” says Fisch. “Many experts agree that really successful entrepreneurs not only dare to be different – they are different.”

The researchers speculate that having entrepreneurial personality traits could be advantageous in leading and governing an entrepreneurial society as a top-down process. But they stress that leading a company is very different from leading a country and it is unclear whether political leaders with an extremely entrepreneurial personality can indeed act strictly entrepreneurially in their highly responsible role.

Time will tell if an entrepreneurial person can indeed make a country’s overall success more likely. And if so, everyone, everywhere in the world, needs to think about who we will vote for in the future.